My column about Tuesday’s Supreme Court argument in the COPA case is now
up, here.
Coping with COPA
Just in time for the reheating of the culture wars, as the social-issues Right tries to scare ma-and-pa America and media megacorporations run for cover, the Child Online Protection Act (COPA) is rearing its head again.
For those of you who don’t remember COPA, here’s the short version: After the original Internet censorship bill, the Communications Decency Act, was struck down as unconstitutional, Congress passed COPA as a dubious successor. It was attached to a big omnibus spending bill that Bill Clinton signed in fall 1998. The ACLU and a group of online-publisher plaintiffs — including, proudly, Salon (here’s our original editorial on the matter) — immediately challenged the law and obtained an injunction against its enforcement. Since then the case has wended a slow path through the Federal judiciary: first, an appeals court upheld the injunction; then the U.S. Supreme Court kicked it back down to the appeals court; then the appeals court, a year ago, offered a more definitive set of reasons why the law is a very bad way to keep kids away from inappropriate material on the Net.
A more sensible administration would have accepted this ruling and gone home. But we’re cursed with John Ashcroft as an attorney general, so the Justice Department is appealing that ruling to the Supreme Court yet again. (The ACLU site offers tons of information.)
The case will be argued on Tuesday, March 2, and I’ll be there for the argument and for a press conference afterwards. The Court isn’t exactly WiFi enabled — in fact, electronic devices are prohibited — so I’ll have to write something up after the fact.
Greenspan, Bush and Social Security: Robin Hoods in reverse
Alan Greenspan made everyone sit up and take notice yesterday by declaring that, since he thinks raising taxes is a bad idea, the only way to deal with the ballooning deficits the nation faces as the baby boomers retire is to cut Social Security benefits.
So there you have it, more starkly laid out than ever before, by the one voice in the national economy that everyone listens to. First we lowered taxes with a plan ridiculously weighted towards rewarding the extreme high end of wealthy citizens, while tossing a handful of crumbs to the middle class; now we’re told that we have to make up the difference by cutting retirement benefits for the mass of Americans.
Let’s be clear on a few things: I don’t feel that Social Security is a sacred cow that should never be reviewed, revisited or revised. Let’s talk about means tests, fixing the inflation indexing, whatever. There’s lots of room, and need, for good reform ideas. (The Bush privatization idea is not, however, one of them; putting aside the argument over whether it would offer good results, Bush has never explained how he intends to pay for it. Since the cash to pay for current retirees’ benefits comes from current wage-earners’ tax payments, if you put the current wage-earners’ payments into private accounts, you can’t pay the current retirees — and we’re right back to Greenspan’s talk of cutting benefits.)
But let’s not allow the most basic fact of this national debate to be obscured, either. Bush and Greenspan together are practicing a sick kind of reverse-Robin-Hoodism (or should it be hoodwinkery?). What we are witnessing is a gigantic transfer of cash from the pockets of the many to the pockets of the few. This isn’t just morally bankrupt — it’s pragmatically stupid, since in the long run it hobbles the economy.
Our memory span is so short that none of the media coverage of Greenspan’s speech that I saw bothered to review the basic history here: The U.S. had already had a plan in place to deal with the baby boom retirement! What do you think those surpluses we began to run up in the late 1990s were all about? That was the money that a bipartisan coalition of responsible Democrats and Republicans had — at considerable political cost to themselves — begun to sock away so that we could approach this demographic tidal wave with some degree of confidence.
Fast forward to the 2000 election: Remember George Bush’s absurd — but politically effective — argument about the surplus? He told us it was “our” money, not the government’s, and he wanted to give “us” some of it back. These are Bush’s words from that election: “Half the surplus is gonna go for Social Security reform and to pay down debt. One quarter is gonna go for new programs that are needed. But I think it’s fair, and I think it’s right, that one quarter go back to the hard working Americans who pay the bills.”
In hindsight, the distortions and outright lies rolled into that campaign statement are too tightly packed to pry apart: As it turned out, none of the surplus went toward Social Security reform or to pay down debt. Bush pushed through a series of tax cuts that reduced the tax burden on the wealthy while barely changing the tax situations of most “hard working Americans who pay the bills.” We encountered recession and war, and instead of facing up to tough fiscal choices, Bush kept telling us, “Just wait, the tax cuts will do their trick — the economy will grow, Americans will get back to work and the recovery will shave down the deficit.” None of that has happened, despite multiple waves of tax cuts. Instead, the deficits keep getting worse.
So now the other shoe drops: Whoops, says Alan Greenspan to middle America, George Bush wrecked your economy, the Republican Congress squandered the national piggy bank — now we’ll have to cut your retirement benefit! After all, isn’t it more important to protect billion-dollar estates from the “death tax” than to keep offering working retirees a reasonable pension?
There is one thing Greenspan has done here that the Bush administration will not forgive him for: He was supposed to wait till after the election to start talking about cutting Social Security. Before the election, this dose of truth-telling is a little too dangerous. People might actually start paying attention.
Get your Goats
It’s been a long time since I posted on music. Last year I spent much of my limited listening time close to home, with old familiars like Frank Black, Tobin Sprout and Guided By Voices.
I’m finally out and about again exploring some new bands. My find of the moment is the Mountain Goats — a “group” that seems largely the work of one guy and his pals, though the current album, “We Shall All Be Healed,” features a band on many tracks. John Darnielle sings in an adenoidal clip — as if you took the voices of either of the Johns from They Might Be Giants and stre-e-e-tched it high and wide. The full-band tracks take tried-and-true Velvet Underground riffs and layer sharp, angry poetry over them, half spiritual yearning and half cold-water-in-the-face reality. The solo acoustic tracks push that poetry at you without the rhythm section’s consolation, in simple threadbare grace. (One song, “Mole,” begins, “I came to see you up there in intensive care — they had handcuffed you to your bed,” with the narrator repeating the chorus: “I am a mole, sticking his head above the surface of the earth.”) Sacred and mundane get thrown together even in the song titles, like “Palmcorder Yajna,” which weds its obscure name to an almost unbearably catchy tune.
Now I need to go explore the rest of the Mountain Goats catalogue, which, from what I’ve read, seems to feature a lot of solo-acoustic recordings made on a whirring boombox in a bathroom. If they’re half as good as “We Shall All Be Healed,” I’ll be happy.
Bonus find: If you loved the Feelies as I did, you’ll be glad to know that you can now get specially custom burned CDs of Feelies spin-off band Yung Wu’s solo full-length effort, “Shore Leave,” here. Different vocalist, same great guitars — and cool covers of Brian Eno obscurity “Big Day” (that bouncy song about Peru from his collaboration with Phil Manzanera) and Neil Young classic “Powderfinger.”
UPDATE: “Palmcorder Yajna” appears to be available as a free download on Amazon. Beware — it’s one of those songs that plants itself in your brain and stays there.
Mario is a rope over an abyss
Many years ago, in 1991, I wrote about Nintendo’s Mario as an existential hero in an extended essay for the San Francisco Examiner, peppered with Nietzschean epigrams and marked with my own infatuation with these videogames’ worlds.
Now someone has produced a trilogy of short Flash films giving this concept animated life. These shorts rely on the crude pixelated sprites of the early Mario games, and derive their emotional charge mostly from heavy dollops of movie music. The spirit here may be more Ninja than Nietzsche, but I loved ’em.
Part one: The death of Luigi! Part two: Assault on the Mushroom Princess’s castle! Part three: Mario returns! Somehow, all this would sound better in Italian (“Il Ritorno di Mario!”).(Links courtesy Metafilter)
Fannie, Freddie
If you’re like me, you’ve been unable to make much sense of the news trickling out about problems at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. A lot of us have a hard time just understanding what it is that these strange mortgage-market behemoths — government-sponsored corporations with the mission of increasing home ownership — do, let alone what they might have done wrong.
Mitch Ratcliffe has posted an intriguing analysis over at the new Red Herring, suggesting that the moves against Fannie and Freddie are part of a Bush administration political “payback”:
| The call for new regulation is, in part, payback from the Bush administration for crackdowns on industries with which the White House has close ties, particularly energy, where executives have ended up in court after alledgedly stealing billions of dollars from investors and partners. The message is: “If you want accountability, we’ll give you accountability.” |
VOIP unchained
We’re on the threshold of “the most significant change in telecommunications since Alexander Graham Bell called out for Mr. Watson,” according to Kevin Werbach — thanks to voice over IP (VOIP), the Internet-based approach to telephony that’s poised to turn voice telephony into a subset of Internet services.
If you haven’t already invested a little time to understand the issues here, Kevin’s testimony before the Senate Commerce Committee this week makes a great introduction. He makes a good case for keeping VOIP relatively free of the regulatory constraints and outdated layers of charges that hem in the old Bell System successors. If these new technologies are to deliver on their promise, they can’t be tied to the corporate carcasses of the system they are likely to replace.
Don’t discuss Bush’s lies — you might be helping a terrorist!
Daniel Henninger, deputy editor of The Wall Street Journal’s editorial page, is scratching his head in incomprehension. “Why Do Dems Call Bush a Liar?,” his column today asks.
Henninger isn’t interested in anything so mundane as an actual review of the basis for many Democrats’ belief that Bush and his team are liars — an examination of the factual record of administration statements about why it was necessary, one year ago, to depose Saddam Hussein right now rather than continue to work with our allies and the U.N. in containing his regime and keeping it from mischief.
Such reviews, in Henninger’s view, are mere caviling — petty quibbles over “how many angels danced on the head of Mr. Bush’s intelligence estimates.”
No, Henninger is alarmed — as we all should be — over the fact that Pakistan’s atomic scientist A.Q. Khan has now been revealed as a peddler of nuclear secrets on the international black market. And he somehow believes, for reasons he completely fails to articulate, that Khan’s acts of counter-non-proliferation are supposed to make us all feel that the Bush administration’s failure to substantiate its claim about Iraqi WMDs simply doesn’t matter any more. (By his logic, we should have forgotten about Saddam and invaded Pakistan instead — but never mind, because there’s very little logic here.)
So what is Henninger’s point? “The Bush decision to invade Iraq was a judgment call,” he says, one that grownups can argue about. But those nasty Democrats are instead playing dirty, making it personal, calling the president names. This, Henninger feels, is not only bad sportsmanship; it actually endangers national security!
| But rather than engage at this level, the Democratic candidates and their coterie have chosen to dismantle and demolish Mr. Bush’s personal integrity. The Democrats–and especially John Kerry, if he is serious about succeeding to this office–need to get on-issue and off George Bush personally because the course they are on diverts the electorate from the seriousness of what’s at stake. It also reduces the authority of the country’s leadership at a dangerous moment and diminishes one other national institution: the Democratic Party. |
Note that Henninger is not actually asserting here that President Bush is a man of integrity and that the Democrats are wrong. He’s saying the president’s integrity, or lack thereof, is not a fit subject for public debate because, well, you woudn’t want to “reduce the authority of the country’s leadership” at a “dangerous moment.” Here we have a preview of what is likely to be a fall-back strategy for the Republicans this summer, as the jobless economy, the Iraq mess and Bush’s increasingly scandal-ridden record begin, finally, to catch up with him.
Let us consider the jaw-dropping degree of chutzpah required to publish such a view on the editorial page of the Wall Street Journal — the same paper that devoted the better part of the 1990s to the systematic character assassination of a sitting president. No charge against the Clintons was too low to trigger the full-on Journal treatment, a relentless combination of irritable rumor-mongering and self-righteous pontification that established a still-unrivalled gold standard in ad hominem editorial assault.
It didn’t seem to matter to the Journal then that such attacks might “reduce the authority of the country’s leadership.” Oh, maybe that wasn’t a “dangerous moment”? Come on, there are always dangers to face down in the Oval Office. (Remember that when Bill Clinton launched missiles against al-Qaeda in 1998, his right-wing foes cried “Wag the dog!”) Sure, Clinton lied about his affair with Monica Lewinsky — a dumb, self-inflicted wound. But by Henninger’s logic, Republicans should have refrained from calling him a liar because Presidents Need to Be Strong.
Well, they didn’t — in fact, they impeached him, and nearly drove him from office. So, Mr. Henninger, let me answer your question and explain exactly why “Dems Call Bush a Liar.” “Dems call Bush a liar” because Republicans broke the taboo on calling the president a liar. They said it so many times — long before it was true — that it lost any whiff of lese majeste, and became something you could say if you thought that, you know, the president was lying.
Now, where Bush’s predecessor lied about an ultimately private act of zero consequence to American security or American lives, Bush has lied about starting a war, the most profound decision any president can make. Has that happened before in American history? Of course. But unearthing the truth about the sorry origins of the Spanish American War or the Gulf of Tonkin incident didn’t, as Henninger worries, “diminish our institutions” — it strengthened them.
Beyond this, there’s a wider reason Democrats have lost any shyness about calling Bush a liar. We say it because we are daily astounded by the sheer volume of falsehood the Bush White House pumps into the polis in the course of its daily operations. For the Bush administration, lying (sugarcoat the phrase if you like and call it “distorting the facts” or “misrepresenting the truth,” the point is the same) is a fundamental coping strategy.
This administration didn’t only lie about Iraq’s WMDs: It lies about nearly everything. It lies about the economy. Its deceptive presentation of economic statistics has made it an utter laughing stock among those people who actually understand such statistics. It lies about hard facts (its own budget numbers). It lies about symbols (denying responsibility for the “Mission Accomplished” banner). It has even figured out ways to lie about scientific research, a realm that should be relatively impervious to subjective manipulation.
Everywhere you look, this presidency is draped in curtains of lies. And we’re supposed to protect the nation by not pointing them out? Sorry. The very dangers Henninger invokes to shush complaints instead add urgency to the alarms we must raise. A deceptive government isn’t ever desirable; “at a dangerous moment,” it’s not just bad, it’s hazardous.
Echolalia
I’m so far behind in so many different areas of my life, including this blog, that I don’t know where to begin.
But I do want to mention the timely, provocative and well-argued piece we posted tonight by David Weinberger, taking arms against the conventional wisdom about the “echo-chamber” nature of online discussion.
You should read the whole thing, but here’s a choice quote:
|
While most of us had assumed that the Internet would increase the diversity of opinion, the echo chamber meme says the Net encourages groups to form that increase the homogeneity of belief. This isn’t simply a factual argument about the topography carved by traffic and links. A “tut, tut” has been appended: See, you Web idealists have been shown up — humankind’s social nature sucks, just as we always told you! Furthermore (says the memester), you Deaniacs were self-deluding, weak-minded children: Wake up and smell the depressing coffee!
The facts are not in question. They show that the links-to-blogs curve follows a “power law,” that people tend to buy books that express similar values and views, and that a small number of sites get a disproportionate amount of traffic. But the echo chamber meme, with its “tut, tut,” doesn’t follow from those facts. It rides on a rationalist view of conversation, defining conversations as the exchange of information with the purpose of discovering truth and changing minds. Talk about your foolish optimists! |
Bush Yoga
I am trying to pull together my notes and thoughts on ETCon but keep getting distracted.
In the meantime, just for fun, here is (courtesy Metafilter)
I stared at this for a little while trying to figure out the site’s intent; after all, a set of presidential action-figure yoga poses shouldn’t necessarily be construed as mockery. Then again, the film clip that is the site’s only other content makes its politics pretty clear.
Finally, I wonder if they chose not to show the president in “corpse pose” (savasana) for fear of provoking the attention of the Secret Service.
