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Newsroom codes of ethics: Let’s pretend our reporters don’t think at all!

August 30, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

What are we to make of the absurdity emerging from the Miami Herald, where an editor has apparently told his staff that they’d better not purchase tickets to political benefit concerts, because such activities will taint the sanctity of their news-gathering enterprise?

I’ve never understood the sort of journalistic code of ethics — now prevalent in many American newsrooms, particularly those owned by big corporate chains — that requires newspeople to pretend that they are not human beings with brains and beliefs and emotions and lives. The logic of these rules — that, for instance, forbid reporters from participating in political rallies or contributing to campaigns or otherwise behaving like normal, politically engaged citizens — seems to stem from fear. The editors and publishers who promulgate them are worried that, if critics of their institutions get hold of factual evidence that reporters actually hold their own opinions and beliefs, those critics will be able to argue that their news reports are biased. This is the sort of fear that drives executives insane, since — despite decades of effort — no American corporation has yet figured out how to find that ideal Employee With No Mind of His Own, and a newsroom is the last place you’d want to hire him, anyway.

This issue, of course, leads one deep into the swamp of the hoary debate over “journalistic objectivity.” Me, I can’t imagine how any thinking journalist or reader in 2004 can imagine that it’s possible for a reporter to so thoroughly suppress his individuality and experiences that he can provide an account of events that’s unshaped by who he is — or that, were it possible, such an account would be desirable. But others disagree, and in fact I hear the “lack of objectivity” charge today less often from journalists than from consumers of journalism, who have — sadly but understandably — taken the profession’s traditional avowal of objectivity at face value, and then become outraged at its failure to achieve that pristine state.

For clarity here, let’s distinguish between the unattainable standard of objectivity — a scientific absolute poised as subjectivity’s opposite — and the entirely attainable, and laudable, standards of fairness and accuracy and honesty and transparency that any journalist of good mind and heart will subscribe to. Fairness: If you’re presenting one side of a story, you owe it to your readers, your subjects and yourself to weigh the other side’s case. Accuracy: Observation should always trump preconception, and you just don’t publish something that you know is untrue, even if it helps make an argument you cherish. Honesty: You do your best to present the truth as you have witnessed it and understand it, knowing that your witness and understanding are shaped by who you are, yet also knowing that honesty will sometimes require you to report things that make you uncomfortable or call your own beliefs into question. Transparency: You do your best to avoid financial conflicts of interest, and where you have an unavoidable interest in a story you’re covering, you reveal it up front.

These principles seem so simple and obvious to me after a quarter century of writing and editing that when I read something like these words from the Miami Herald memo, my eyes roll: “As you know and understand, it is improper for independent journalists — which we are — to engage in partisan politics or to advocate for political causes. In this case, buying a ticket to any of these events is tantamount to making a political contribution, which is prohibited by the newsroom’s Guidelines on Ethics.”

Where to begin here? Note how the newspaper has revised the concept of conflict of interest — which should apply to situations where an individual can improperly gain material benefit in the course of pursuing her professional responsibilities — and turned it into a stricture demanding that all reporters neuter their civic selves.

Sure, any “Guideline on Ethics” ought to forbid journalists accepting contributions (i.e., bribes) from politicians — that’s a conflict of interest! But if you accept the logic that a reporter contributing to a political campaign constitutes a conflict of interest, you really can’t avoid insisting that the reporter, um, not vote, either.

If you believe that a reporter who contributes to a political campaign can’t write about politics, you’ve set an all-consuming trap for the entire journalistic enterprise. Your rule will keep widening its net: If buying a ticket to a political benefit is verboten, since the money from the benefit will end up in a campaign’s coffers, then the reporter should carefully refrain as well from buying a movie ticket from any studio that has used its profits to make any sort of political contribution. For that matter, better stay away from buying any product from any corporation that has chosen to give dough to any candidate. If you pay taxes, you’d better think twice about writing about any arm of the government to which you’ve contributed. And so on.

It’s hopeless; the Herald’s staff might as well take vows of poverty, chastity and silence — and leave their paper’s columns blank. (Meanwhile, of course, these corporate codes of ethics never seem to apply any strictures to the folks who own the papers — and who have far more substantial interests that tend to be far more conflicted.)

Alternately, American journalism’s managerial class could accept that reporters are people with lives — and that their best bet at salvaging their profession is to start from that point, rather than desperately run from it. The vitality of the blogosphere offers one hopeful sign: here’s a model of journalism that rests on a foundation of openness, individuality and participation. But the Miami Herald’s code of ethics probably bans blogging, too.

Filed Under: Media

Electoral Vote map

August 30, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

If you’re obsessing over the election, this site offers a pretty addictive experience. Sure, it’s not able to weight polls by reliability, and given how much of this election remains within the margin of error its definitiveness is entirely an illusion. But it’s a fun way of focusing on what — as we learned in 2000 — really matters in close U.S. elections: how the states fall.

Filed Under: Politics

Sterling on Blobjects etc.

August 30, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

Bruce Sterling’s amazing talk at SIGGRAPH about the next stages of the engagement between humankind and technology, and humankind and its environment, has already been widely linked, but I humbly add my admiring link.

Filed Under: People, Technology

Where the shadows lie

August 26, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

President Bush continues to point his finger at 527 organizations — independent, tax-exempt political activist groups that are not supposed to coordinate their work with the candidates’ campaigns. Bush won’t condemn the toxic slurry-dump of the Swift Boat Veterans group’s TV ad campaign; instead, he insists, everyone should repudiate all “shadowy” 527 groups equally.

You can find the heart of the president’s subterfuge in that tenebrous adjective. Shadowy, of course, is bad. Shadowy is covert. Shadowy is dark. Shadowy is scary. Shadowy is al-Qaida.

Bush wants us to associate these qualities with all 527s. But the charge doesn’t stick. Certainly, it’s fair to apply it to the Swift Boat Veterans group, which emerged out of nowhere, fired its fusillade against John Kerry, and only then began to be exposed as an entity funded and organized by close associates (and in some cases actual officials) of the Bush campaign.

That qualifies as “shadowy” in my book. But the most prominent 527 on the other side of the political field is MoveOn.org — and calling MoveOn “shadowy” is absurd. The group is the very model of a transparent organization. Its every decision is planned and vetted openly online. Its sources of funding are well-known. Its history dating back to the Clinton impeachment saga is fully chronicled. If the Swift Boat Veterans group were a true grassroots operation with a track record like MoveOn’s, we wouldn’t be having this argument today: If millions of Americans were genuinely outraged about John Kerry’s war record the way millions of MoveOn supporters are outraged about George Bush’s presidential record, Kerry would never have made it to the primaries’ starting gate.

But the Swift Boat Veterans aren’t a mass movement, they’re a political dirty trick. And the immediate issue with them — the reason people are demanding that Bush repudiate them — is not that they’re a 527. The problem is that the group’s charges are false.

There’s a legitimate debate worth having over whether 527s represent a good or a bad thing in the McCain-Feingold campaign finance era. But the Bush campaign isn’t truly interested in that issue. Having surreptitiously and effectively launched a smear campaign against its opponent from the cover of a 527 organization, the Bush team now petulantly insists, “Everybody does it and everybody should stop!” The childishness of the tactic speaks for itself.

Filed Under: Politics

The race and the swift

August 24, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

It feels more than a little surreal, rejoining the news after a week off the grid. I seem to have returned to an alternate universe in which the Democrats’ war-hero candidate has been put on the defensive by the Republicans’ Guard-duty-shirking president thanks to a patently false television ad. The economy wheezes on, the situation in Iraq continues to deteriorate, but — thanks to deft work by the Bush family smear machine — the top political story is, what did or didn’t happen on a Vietnamese river three decades ago?

No one should question for a second the effectiveness of this Bush tactic. It is precisely what has worked for Bush campaigns past (vide Dukakis/Willie Horton, or the anti-McCain blitz in South Carolina 2000), and there is every sign it is working again.

Josh Marshall accurately, I think, identifies the (crudely but aptly labeled) “bitch-slap” psychodynamics of the Swift Boat Veterans story: Facts are nearly irrelevant here; this is about punching John Kerry and seeing whether he punches back, and how hard. If he fails to punch back, he’s exposed as a sissy who’s not tough enough to defend America. If he does fight back, the Bushies simply point at him — as they have already begun to — and claim that he’s lost it, he’s “wild-eyed” and unreliable and unfit to be president.

It’s exactly what every Democratic strategist knew was coming. It’s cunning, and inevitable, and low. And I think the only answer for the Kerry campaign is to call Bush out, directly, on its lowness. The trouble, of course, is that as long as you’re responding to fraudulent Swift Boat Veteran ads you’re allowing Bush to dominate the agenda. You need to punch back hard, and only then move on.

George Bush is acting like a latter-day Joseph McCarthy — albeit one smart enough to use shadowy surrogates for his dirty work and retain semi-plausible deniability. So the best way to stop him, I’m convinced, is to stand up and call out his campaign’s slime for what it is. (The new Kerry TV ad, “Old Tricks,” begins to take on this job.)

McCarthyism was stopped dead in its tracks on June 9, 1954, exactly half a century ago, when a lawyer named Joseph Welch turned on the Red-baiting senator with a withering, “Have you no sense of decency, sir? At long last, have you left no sense of decency?” Welch had finally said out loud what a lot of people had long been thinking about McCarthy.

Today’s media-saturated environment is different; nothing is left unsaid for very long, and what matters is what gets repeated most often. Still, it seems to me that John Kerry’s best plan is to find and deploy the 2004 equivalent of Welch’s retort. Have you no decency, George Bush, at long last?

Filed Under: Politics

Away

August 13, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

And with that, I’m off for a weeklong vacation. Offline, even. See you back here on the 23rd or thereabouts.

Filed Under: Personal

Julie on Julia

August 13, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

Julie Powell of Julie/Julia revived her dormant blog for an eloquent tribute to the late demi-namesake of her site.

Filed Under: Culture, People, Salon Blogs

Osama in the booth

August 12, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

Over on the right side of the fence, we’re hearing plenty of voices arguing that al-Qaida wants to see George Bush defeated. From where I sit, it seems equally or more likely that bin Laden and company would love to see Bush re-elected (he’s been their best recruiting agent, in Iraq and elsewhere).

But really, to speculate on this subject either way is to go down a rathole. Who cares which candidate al-Qaida might favor? Osama doesn’t vote. All that matters is, which candidate will best protect the American people, bolster the American economy, and help build a safer and more peaceful world for our kids?

But the prospect of an October surprise now looms scarily over the electoral landscape. And the most important thing we can do is to inoculate ourselves in advance against it.

The nightmare scenario goes something like this: Sometime in October, al-Qaida strikes inside the U.S. Either (a) Americans rally behind the president, even though the occasion of a second attack might cause us to feel the administration had failed us; or (b) though there might well have been little any president could do to stop the attack, many Americans blame Bush — and that evokes a patriotic chorus of rally-round-the-prez from our leaders and our media, with sanctimonious cries of “Remember Madrid!”

It barely matters, then, whether the reaction goes for or against Bush. Either way — if we accept, as U.S. intelligence reports, that “influencing the elections” is an al-Qaida goal — the result will be an al-Qaida success. Unless we’re somehow able, ahead of the fact, to draw some lines in the rhetorical sand.

The “influencing elections” debate began in earnest in March, when the Madrid attacks and subsequent fall of Bush ally Jose Maria Aznar’s government led American conservatives to complain that Spain’s voters had capitulated to al-Qaida in a shameful act of cowardice. Never mind that the overwhelming majority of Spanish voters had long opposed their government’s policy of supporting the Iraq war; never mind that the last-minute swing against the incumbent government was sparked by disgust at the spin games it played in the immediate aftermath of the attack (when it tried to pin the blame on Basque terrorists). Details, details!

There was and is a blunt agenda at work in this gross distortion of the record: the party of Cheney and Rove is laying the groundwork to argue that, in the wake of an al-Qaida attack, it is our patriotic duty to vote for Bush. Otherwise, you know, the terrorists have won.

In a better world, the right thing to do here would be for Republicans and Democrats to agree, in advance, that neither side will attempt to make political hay out of circumstances surrounding another terrorist attack on the U.S. before the election.

I can’t help thinking, though, that such a move would really be unilateral disarmament on the Democratic side — because the Bush administration has broken every promise it has ever made about not turning terrorism into a political football. Since the war on terror is the only issue on which polls show Bush with any remaining appeal to the American public, it has become the administration’s political cornerstone. And it is being micromanaged for Bush’s personal political advantage.

Here’s Tom Ridge, touting the glories of the president’s policies out of one side of his mouth and insisting that his Homeland Security Department “doesn’t do politics” out of the other! When all accounts suggest that it was an oversensitivity to political winds that led our intelligence astray in the Iraqi weapons-of-mass-destruction fiasco, here’s the new choice to head the CIA — a partisan GOP bulldog! And don’t you Democrats dare oppose him, or we’ll hang you by your obstructionist thumbs!

No, I don’t think it’s possible, given these players, to steer the debate onto the high road and keep it there. Instead, we’d all better keep on high alert between now and Nov. 2 — not only for possible attacks, which remain a true danger, but for the outrageous distortions of the American political process that could result from them.

Of course, we can be thankful for little things: At least the trial balloon of postponing elections in the event of a terror attack seems to have been definitively exploded.

Filed Under: Politics

Link-o-rama

August 11, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

For the past several weeks I’ve accumulated a set of links that I wanted to present and comment on. Each could warrant a full blog entry. But since the chaos of my life and schedule means that instead I’ve just been sitting on them, I’m just going to post them in a big underannotated lump. Better than not posting them at all, and probably what I should have done in the first place, one by one. If you’re an avid follower of blogs you’ll probably have seen many of these already.

Teresa Neilsen Hayden’s amazing compendium of “Lord of the Rings” parodies provided me with a nearly inexhaustible supply of merriment.

The long view: Greg Costikyan, with whom I don’t always agree but whose thoughts I will always read avidly, points out that the U.S. will not always be the “sole superpower” — providing a good, self-interested reason for us to pay a little more attention to international law:

  We have a window of opportunity, now before our relative but precipitous decline, to establish clear and pervasive international norms of behavior, to persuade the emerging powers that it makes good sense, and is in their benefit, to behave like good global citizens. And to do that, we desperately need the good will and cooperation of our allies in Europe and Asia. As the “predominant world power,” it may sometimes seem like we can dispense with this, in the face of more immediate threats. But that’s foolish from a more long-term perspective.

Danny O’Brien posts on the elusive and increasingly central issue of just how much fame and celebrity will satisfy us in an era when the middle ground — famous for 15 minutes, famous for 15 (or 150) people — keeps expanding. (This is the aspect of blogging that professional journalists, used to measuring readership by commercial standards, typically miss.)

  There was a time, I think, in the industries where fame is important, that you had was famous, and not. You had big stars, and you had a thin line of people who had work, and you had failures, or people who felt like failures. But now the drop-off on that curve seems to be less precipitous. It feels, stuck here, so close to the machinery of the Net, that there’s a growing middle-class of fame – a whole world of people who aren’t really famous, but could spend their days only talking to people who think they’re fucking fantastic (or horrifyingly notorious).

Danah Boyd pinpoints many of the problems with the current wave of social software in her talk on “Autistic social software” from Supernova. Good reading for anyone who thinks that “social software” started with Friendster — but valuable as well for those of us who already know the longer history here:

  I’m often told that social networks are the future of the sociable Internet. Guess what? They were the cornerstone of the Internet, always. What is different is that we’ve tried to mechanically organize them, to formalize them. Doing so did not make social networks suddenly appear; formalization meant that they became less serious, more game-like. All other Internet social networks are embedded into another set of practices, not seeking an application to validate their existence.

Creative Commons is doing important work in helping keep open a space for creative reuse of content in an era of hegemonic copyrightism. The organization recently moved in to share the office space for Mitch Kapor’s Open Source Applications Foundation, where I’ve been spending a lot of time researching my book. Regular readers here know of my enthusiasm for the music of the Mountain Goats. So it tickled me to read recently on the Creative Commons blog that the Goats’ John Darnielle has okayed the hosting of a free archive of live shows at the Internet Archive. Darnielle has a low-tech preference for old-fashioned tape trading over the online approach — but the main thing is, he wants people to hear his music, and once they do, many will, as I have, become voracious purchasers of actual Mountain Goats CDs. Creative Commons, the Internet Archive, the Mountain Goats — how can you go wrong?

Hugh MacLeod, whose trademark art is drawing cartoons on the back of business cards, has posted an ever-evolving list of thoughts and ideas on creativity that’s great reading. For instance:

  The more talented somebody is, the less they need the props. Meeting a person who wrote a masterpiece on the back of a deli menu would not surprise me. Meeting a person who wrote a masterpiece with a silver Cartier fountain pen on an antique writing table in an airy SoHo loft would SERIOUSLY surprise me.

And, finally, a quote from Norman Mailer, via Jay Rosen’s commentary on Mailer’s coverage of the 1960 Democratic Convention — an old one, but, for me, in the “paste this one on your monitor” class:

  “Journalism is chores. Journalism is bondage unless you can see yourself as a private eye inquiring into the mysteries of a new phenomenon.”

Filed Under: Culture, Food for Thought, Music, Politics, Technology

The prez who cried wolf

August 2, 2004 by Scott Rosenberg

Is it mere chance that, while the bunting is still being pulled down at the Fleet Center, the nation is galvanized by another threat warning from the Department of Homeland Defense? Or is there, as we’re hearing, something truly, definitively different about this threat report — something, beyond the specificity of the named targets, that distinguishes it from the previous, transparently manipulative Tom Ridge scares?

The only reasonable answer anyone not sitting in or near the Oval Office can provide is, we don’t know. And that’s precisely the problem the Bush administration has created for the nation.

This morning on NPR I heard Larry Johnson, described as a former counter-terrorism official at the CIA and State Department, debunk the threat report. The information behind this weekend’s alert for key financial buildings in New York and Washington — which, we’re told, have been cased by al-Qaida — apparently came from an al-Qaida communications operative captured by Pakistan in mid-July. If you read this New York Times report on him, you’ll learn that the casing of buildings started even before 9/11. Maybe these were al-Qaida’s alternate plans for the 9/11 attack itself. Maybe they were considering a follow-up. Maybe the plans were shelved, maybe they weren’t. As far as we know, the new information is specific about location but tells us nothing about timing. Which is why the timing of the current warning — aimed for maximum damping of any post-convention Democratic bounce — smells so fishy.

Perhaps the Bush administration knows more than we do. But between its weapons-of-mass-destruction debacle and its record of timing bogus scares for maximum politial gain, this gang is no longer in a position to say, “trust us.”

Johnson’s argument, which the Times report corroborates, is that the Bush administration’s warning is a cover-your-ass exercise that does nothing to make us safer but that does help reveal to al-Qaida exactly what our defense preparations look like. Oh, and of course it also helps Bush politically by underscoring his message that Americans need to be very, very afraid and only he can protect us.

Bush, Cheney and Ridge have set up themselves and the nation they are supposed to be protecting in a classic boy-who-cried-wolf situation. Unfortunately, as Johnson observed, there really is a wolf out there, and he’s probably quite amused and delighted by all the Bush administration’s self-serving alarms.

At a time when more than anything else we need to be able to trust our government, our government has tossed that trust away for a mess of political pottage. Beyond his economy-choking, job-limiting economic policies and his deceptively justified, incompetently executed “war of choice” in Iraq, President Bush has lost credibility in the most basic realm of defense against another 9/11. Which is why throwing this administration out on its ears is a necessary prerequisite to restoring Americans’ safety. A government whose word we doubt is a government that can’t protect us.

Filed Under: Politics