“We’re Hot as Hell and We’re Not Going to Take It Any More” — guest post by Bill McKibben

I don’t normally do guest posts. This is an exception. My friend Bill wrote this earlier this month after Congress’s effort to pass the most minimal energy legislation collapsed. If you haven’t already read it at TomDispatch or Huffington Post or 350.org, here’s another chance. It’s that important.

Three steps to establish a politics of global warming

Try to fit these facts together:

  • According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the planet has just come through the warmest decade, the warmest 12 months, the warmest six months, and the warmest April, May, and June on record.
  • A “staggering” new study from Canadian researchers has shown that warmer seawater has reduced phytoplankton, the base of the marine food chain, by 40% since 1950.
  • Nine nations have so far set their all-time temperature records in 2010, including Russia (111 degrees), Niger (118), Sudan (121), Saudi Arabia and Iraq (126 apiece), and Pakistan, which also set the new all-time Asia record in May: a hair under 130 degrees. I can turn my oven to 130 degrees.
  • And then, in late July, the U.S. Senate decided to do exactly nothing about climate change. They didn’t do less than they could have — they did nothing, preserving a perfect two-decade bipartisan record of no action. Senate majority leader Harry Reid decided not even to schedule a vote on legislation that would have capped carbon emissions.

I wrote the first book for a general audience on global warming back in 1989, and I’ve spent the subsequent 21 years working on the issue. I’m a mild-mannered guy, a Methodist Sunday School teacher. Not quick to anger. So what I want to say is: this is fucked up. The time has come to get mad, and then to get busy.

For many years, the lobbying fight for climate legislation on Capitol Hill has been led by a collection of the most corporate and moderate environmental groups, outfits like the Environmental Defense Fund. We owe them a great debt, and not just for their hard work. We owe them a debt because they did everything the way you’re supposed to: they wore nice clothes, lobbied tirelessly, and compromised at every turn.

[Read more...]


 

Could Google’s neutrality backstab be a fake?

News that Google and Verizon are negotiating a deal to “jump the Internet line,” as the New York Times put it in a great headline, shocked people who’ve been following the Net neutrality story and upset many of Google’s true believers. Google has long been one of Net neutrality’s most reliable big-company backers.

Net neutrality — the principle that information traveling across the Internet should be treated equally by the backbone carriers that keep the packets flowing — made sense for Google’s search-and-ad business: Keep the Internet a level playing field so it keeps growing and stays open to the Googlebot. It also helped keep people from snickering too loudly at the company’s “don’t be evil” mantra.

So why would Google turn around now, at a time when the FCC is weighing exactly how to shape the future of Net neutrality regulation, and signal a course-change toward, um, evil?

Here are the obvious explanations: Google wants to speed YouTube bits to your screen. Google is in bed with Verizon thanks to Android. Google figures neutrality is never going to remain in place so get a jump on the competition.

None of these quite persuades me. But what if — here is where I pause to tell you this is total speculation on my part — it’s a fake-out? What if Google — or some portion of Google — is still basically behind the Net neutrality principle but realizes that very few people understand the issue or realize what’s at stake? Presumably Google and Verizon, which sells a ton of Android phones, talk all the time. Presumably they talk about Net neutrality-related stuff too.

Maybe someone inside Google who still believes in Net neutrality strategically leaked the fact that they’re negotiating this stuff — knowing the headlines and ruckus would follow. Knowing that this might be a perfect way to dramatize Net neutrality questions and mobilize support for strong Net neutrality rules from the public and for the FCC.

This scenario assumes a level of Machiavellian gameplaying skill on Google’s part that the company has not hitherto displayed. And if the whole story is a feint, it might well not be a strategic move on Google’s part but rather a sign of dissent inside Google, with one faction pushing the Verizon deal and another hoping to blow it up.

Still, worth pondering!

UPDATE: A tweet from Google’s Public Policy: “@NYTimes is wrong. We’ve not had any convos with VZN about paying for carriage of our traffic. We remain committed to an open internet.” [hat tip to Dan Lyke in comments]


 

Breitbart and the story-withdrawal litmus test

I hesitate to add any more verbiage to the Breitbart/Sherrod post mortem, but there’s one lesson I’m extracting that may be useful.

I do not hold it against Breitbart that he is a partisan. Most of the information I get online about politics today comes from partisans. My problem with Breitbart is that he is a partisan I do not trust, based on his track record with ACORN and other stories.

For me, the Sherrod video reduces Breitbart’s credibility to zero. This is not because he published a story that was later discredited — after all, so did many other media outlets. It is because, in the wake of overwhelming evidence that his original version of the story was inaccurate, misleading and irresponsible, he has done nothing to withdraw or disavow it.

This, to me, is the litmus test for good-faith journalism. Everyone makes mistakes, and every publication seeks scoops and exclusives, and today every news outlet is racing against the clock. Bad decisions are going to be made. If you expect to retain any shred of trust, though, you’d better cop to them and make amends when you mess up.

At Salon we once withdrew a major cover story because we came to realize that the freelance reporter we’d worked with wasn’t leveling with us. (In a later memoir, he confessed to a variety of substance abuse problems, which explained a lot in retrospect.) This was no fun, but our self-respect as journalists demanded that we take the fall.

Breitbart claims that at the time he posted the Sherrod video he didn’t know what was on the rest of it. I find that hard to believe. But if it were true, he would have only one option now that he does: fall on his sword. Withdraw and apologize. Instead, he ran a laughably narrow correction and has continued to make defensive excuses. This is why he has lost all credibility: he lacks the menschlichkeit to clean up his own mess.

One final thought: The most pernicious tactic in Breitbart’s arsenal is his habit of declaring that the little snippet he is posting is the tip of an iceberg, that he’s got way more where that came from. This gambit is straight out of the Sen. Joe McCarthy playbook, and should be called each time it surfaces.

Greg Sargent says all this in a different way:

it’s true that “both sides,” to one degree or another, let their ideological and political preferences dictate some editorial decisions, such as what stories to pursue, how to approach them, who to interview, etc. But what’s underappreciated is the degree to which the Breitbart-Fox axis goes far beyond this, openly employing techniques of political opposition researchers and operatives to drive the media narrative.

This simply has no equivalent on the left. The leading lefty media organizations have teams of reporters who — even if they are to some degree ideologically motivated — work to determine whether their material is accurate, fair, and generally based in reality before sharing it with readers and viewers. They just don’t push info — with no regard to whether it’s true or not — for the sole purpose of having maximum political impact.


 

Breitbart fiddles while the MSM refuses to burn him

If you’re a writer or journalist and you quote someone selectively or out of context so egregiously that you can twist their words to mean the very opposite of what they actually convey when they’re quoted in full or in context, what you have done is not just mischievous or aggressive, it’s outright wrong. If you’re a professional, then you’ve committed an act of professional malfeasance.

And if you get away with this sort of stunt repeatedly, despite being exposed and shamed for it, then you are pulling off a grand heist — stealing the credibility of larger media and government institutions that continue to pay attention to you.

This, in a nutshell, describes the challenge Andrew Breitbart has presented to the world of journalism, first with his ACORN deception and now with his Sherrod stunt. So far, journalism is failing to meet it.

By this point, Breitbart ought to be an object of snorting derision in the journalism profession. He ought to be shunned by respectable news organizations and mocked in public. He deserves the sort of ostracism that until recently was reserved for serial plagiarists.

Yet look at how two post-mortems of the Sherrod affair framed their presentation of his role.

Listen to this lead All Things Considered story on NPR, as Ari Shapiro sums up the meaning of Breitbart’s behavior:

There has been a pattern of conservative activists blurring the line between journalism and advocacy, and doing it with striking success.

This is precisely not the problem with what happened to Shirley Sherrod. What’s wrong with Breitbart’s work has nothing to do with the fact that he is a partisan journalist rather than an “on the one hand, on the other hand” style journalist. The problem with Breitbart is not that he is an activist in journalist clothes, but rather that he is a serial purveyor of deceptions who is somehow still viewed as a legitimate source by some of his colleagues in the media.

Here is how Politico framed its take on Breitbart’s role in the Sherrod story (in a piece that also talked about Tucker Carlson’s stories on the Journolist emails). “The combative Breitbart” caused an “uproar,” but his “revelations proved decidedly less incendiary when the context of the comments was added. And both [Breitbart and Carlson] have been criticized for failing to provide, or even trying to provide, that context.”

No, Politico, Breitbart’s revelations didn’t prove “decidedly less incendiary.” They proved wrong — deliberately counter-factual and embarrassingly misleading. Breitbart is not merely combative and uproarious. He is malicious and dangerous. A handful of journalists have come close to acknowledging this: Later on the same All Things Considered, Jon Alter called him “a notorious smear artist.” And over at Fox News, Shepard Smith describes him as untrustworthy. But mostly, Breitbart gets off with being described as a rambunctious bad boy whose behavior is the result of overly ardent partisanry rather than simple unfairness and lack of decency.

If there is any remaining doubt about how fully Breitbart deserves a full-on shun from the entire media world, just take a look at the laughably inadequate correction notice he has appended to the original report on his site about Sherrod:

While Ms. Sherrod made the remarks captured in the first video featured in this post while she held a federally appointed position, the story she tells refers to actions she took before she held that federal position.

The implication is: “Our story holds up, Sherrod said what we said she said, but we goofed on this little detail of her employment at the time.” Whereas a real correction would read more like “Our original story was wrong. We quoted Sherrod to suggest that she drove an old white couple off their farm because she was a racist. In fact, she helped that couple hold onto their farm and used the tale to argue against racism.”

Really, though, if Breitbart had any self-respect he would withdraw the whole story and apologize to Sherrod. Since he’s never going to do that, why should he have a future as a participant in public discourse?

BONUS LINK: David Frum explains why the conservative media won’t hold Breitbart to account.

MORE LINKS: Not surprisingly, the toughest media voices on Breitbart come from the ranks of those who wear both pro-journalist and blogger hats. Josh Marshall makes a similar point to mine: “For anyone else practicing anything even vaguely resembling journalism, demonstrated recklessness and/or dishonesty on that scale would be a shattering if not necessarily fatal blow to reputation and credibility.”

I’d also point you to the chorus of criticism from the Atlantic’s stellar blogging bench (hat tip to the Atlantic’s Bob Cohn). Josh Green highlights Breitbart’s role as “ringmaster”: “It’s hard for me to see how the media can justify continuing to treat Breitbart as simply a roguish provocateur. He’s something much darker.” And Jim Fallows makes the McCarthyism parallel explicit: “Silver lining: the possibility that for the Breitbart/Fox attack machine this could be the long-awaited ‘Have you no sense of decency?’ moment.”

ALSO: Rogers Cadenhead with some of Breitbart’s backstory: “What good is being a self-employed media mogul if you can’t admit you fucked up and try to make it right?”

And Greg Sargent asks: “Has any news org done a stand-alone story on the damage the Shirley Sherrod mess has done — or should do — to his credibility?”


 

Party context of that staggering debt chart

The Journal published one of those jaw-dropping charts about the U.S. national debt last Thursday, and it looked pretty bad:

There are two things to argue about here: One is the economic debate about how dangerous this “debt mountain” really is, and whether deficit-cutting today amid high unemployment would just stall the economic recovery (the famous “mistake of 1936″).

The other is the political debate. We’re in the middle of an election cycle, so charts like this fuel voter anger and “throw the bums out” sentiment.

I’m a timeline-oriented sort of person, and so the first thing I did when I looked at this chart was ask, “OK, let’s plot the presidential administrations by party along the horizontal axis and see what we find.” Since what I found was pretty remarkable, I marked up the chart below. Blue bars are Democratic administrations.

US Debt Chart By Presidential Party

Pretty much speaks for itself, no? The main observation is that the huge runups in the debt that we’ve experienced since 1980 are almost entirely the results of the policies of two Republican presidents, Reagan and Bush Jr. (The elder Bush deserves some credit for a willingness to tackle the debt through a modest tax increase.) Yes, these presidents sometimes had the cooperation of some Democrats in Congress. But the disastrous supply-side-style tax cut policies were authored by these presidents’ administrations, and they are responsible for them.

The truth of the last three decades of American economic history is simple: The GOP has repeatedly pursued a policy of “cut taxes and let our kids pay for it.” Some supported it out of a mistaken belief that tax cuts would always pay for themselves in economic growth. Others supported it out of a Machiavellian belief (“drag it into the bathroom and drown it in the bathtub”) that if you cut taxes enough, you could force the government to scuttle popular government programs that Republicans detest like Medicare and Social Security. Others supported it out of plain old self-interest (tax cuts are always popular).

Whatever their motivations, every Republican politician who rails against the evils of the debt should be shown this chart and asked to explain it.

CORRECTION/UPDATE: As William Sullivan points out in comments, this chart, which I mistook for a graph of public debt only, actually aggregates public and private debt. I’ll poke around for a public-debt-only graph. In the meantime, it’s interesting to think, gee, what does it mean that both public and private debt together surge under our most recent Republican administrations? The positive spin, I suppose, would be: Business is humming and consumers are confident during these expansive GOP eras so people take on more debt.

Given what we experienced in 2008, however, I think a more accurate read would be: Our supposedly conservative Republican presidents actually presided over massively risky leveraging of our economy without thinking about how either the government or private citizens would actually pay it all off. Which, to me — speaking as a liberal who has paid off his credit card bill every month of my adult life — sounds like the opposite of “conservative.”


 

Iran and the ghost of history

There’s a chorus on the right, including some GOP leaders, complaining that President Obama ought to be saying more or doing more to support the Iranian protesters. It is unclear what, exactly, they wish him to do about Iran. Now, perhaps, is not the time for bombing, although that was, until recently, considered a dandy option by many; to offer loose words about support for protests risks repeating past American leaders’ errors in such situations, who have sometimes made perceived promises of help to uprisings and then failed to follow through — or even betrayed the protesters.

I think Obama is playing a careful hand: he knows that if he embraces Moussavi too closely he is, perversely, helping Ahmadinejad, whose chief recruiting tool has always been the anti-American banner.

But I also think that few Americans, and sadly even too few in the American media, have a full understanding of the arc of history here and the twisted record of American involvement in Iranian “regime change.”

The formative, primal event in the history of modern Iranian politics took place in 1953, when the U.S. government, working clandestinely through the CIA, helped overthrow an elected Iranian government and install the Shah as a friendly dictator. (Read more on this beginning here and following up here.) Everything that has happened since in Iran has happened under that shadow. Most Americans simply don’t remember this, but you can bet that Iranians do.

So a U.S. president has a particularly poor platform to stand on and lecture Iranians about violations of the electoral process. Obama — who in his Cairo speech publicly admitted the American role in the 1953 Iran coup for the first time — seems to understand this reality and to be working from that understanding, rather than denying it. It’s time for his critics to learn a little of that history, too.


 

Note to Peggy: your goose already croaked

Oh dear: we’re losing contact with Peggy Noonan again! As we enter a movie season featuring a cartoon about an aged, out-of-touch curmudgeon floating off from reality in a private balloon, let us not forget that we already have a similar character in journalism.

Here’s Noonan today:

Mr. Obama’s government, in all its flurry of activism, may kill the goose that laid the golden egg. This is as dreadful and obvious a cliche as they come, but too bad, it’s what people fear. They see the spending plans and tax plans, the regulation and reform hunger, the energy proposals and health-care ambitions, and they–we–wonder if the men and women doing all this, working in their separate and discrete areas, are being overseen by anyone saying, “By the way, don’t kill the goose.”

The goose of course is the big, messy, spirited, inspiring, and sometimes in some respects damaging but on the whole brilliant and productive wealth-generator known as the free-market capitalist system. People do want things cleaned up and needed regulations instituted, and they don’t mind at all if the very wealthy are more heavily taxed, but they greatly fear a goose killing. Economic freedom in all its chaos and disorder has kept us rich for 200 years, and allowed us as a nation to be generous and strong at home and in the world. But the goose can be killed–by carelessness, hostility, incrementalism, paralysis, and by no one saying, “Don’t kill the goose.”

Note to Noonan: The goose passed away last year. It is an ex-goose. Its neck was slit, over and over, by a decade-long procession of greedheads and vandals. Michael Lewis even wrote the obituary! The liver was extracted to produce foie gras that is still being feasted on in certain corners of Manhattan, southwestern Connecticut and Los Angeles. But there will be no more eggs until we figure out how to re-stock the farmyard. Indeed, Tim Geithner and Ben Bernanke are up all night in the financial labs trying to reconstitute the beast’s DNA.

I guess this cluelessness should not surprise us, given that Noonan is the same columnist who, last December, looked around and wondered why the economic crisis was not visible to her.

Still, this bears repeating: “What people fear” is not that the fragile life of the free market will be extinguished. What we fear is the lingering presence, and indeed power, of the buccaneers and charlatans who slaughtered it — and who will jump at any opportunity to strangle its successor, if they are given a tenth of a chance. Yet they are, apparently, as invisible to Noonan today as that goose-corpse was to her last December, when everyone else was gagging from the smell of its rot.